Their emphasis in the peace talks is on protecting the gains of the last two decades, including women’s rights, freedom of expression and electoral democracy. [1] To depart from these constitutional lines of succession, the formation of a new interim government could be approved by an emergency loya jirga, a customary institution codified in the Bonn Agreement. There are many in Afghanistan who are deeply skeptical about genuine change in the Taliban and the prospect of future transformation. Afghanistan could become another Syria, and they would become just one of the warring factions.”. Mohammad Mahdavi, a provincial council member in Ghowr, said the Taliban now controls or influences 90 percent of the province. Unlike 20 years ago, Afghan women today are working in all sectors of society, including education, health care, security, economic and social development, and across government. The main reason the talks materialized is the U.S.-Taliban agreement signed in February of this year; that agreement delivered a timetable for the eventual withdrawal of foreign troops, which met the Taliban’s years-long precondition for opening talks with the Afghan government. In Helmand in the south, Taliban fighters are still clashing with Afghan forces after a two-week assault on the provincial capital region. Blog, The United States Institute of Peace Legal and Privacy Information | FOIA Inquiries, greater need for women’s contribution at all levels, demand predominance in any future government, Pathways for Post-Peace Development in Afghanistan, Afghan Peace Process Tests Women Activists, Four Lessons for Security Sector Reform in Afghanistan. France’s War on Islamism Isn’t Populism. His departure was supposed to make way for the installation of an interim government, but instead conflict broke out, leading to the breakdown of state institutions and the escalation of the war that eventually produced the Taliban. Najibullah made the mistake of his life by announcing that he was going to resign,” he told the audience at an event hosted by the U.S. Institute of Peace and the Atlantic Council in June. “We see no sense of urgency by the Taliban about ending this war,” one delegate to the talks said Saturday, speaking on the condition of anonymity because the group members have agreed not to air their views publicly. Confusion over the ongoing US election vote count has raised further questions over whether Washington’s withdrawal from Afghanistan after 19 years of war will continue on schedule or accelerate if Trump clinches another term in the White House. Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram. Some of the recent violence has provoked confusion and controversy. According to the Washington Post, the fighting could derail negotiations.Pray with SAT-7 that it doesn’t. The attempt at negotiations has snagged on preliminary issues, the Taliban have escalated their attacks, and all sides are watching the evolution of the U.S. military role in the country. To get the Taliban to agree to one, they will most certainly have to be given something substantial in return. Afghans stunned, worried by Trump tweet to bring home U.S. troops early.

“The fighting has not stopped, and people cannot sleep,” Majid Ahkundzada, a Helmand provincial councilman, said Saturday. The process might be different than in 1992, but the result could be similar if not worse. Historic peace talks between the Taliban and Afghan government began in early September, opening a window for peace after four decades of conflict. Little progress has been made in meetings between Afghan government negotiators and the Taliban since the talks started on September 12, with negotiations stalled over the basic framework of talks and an agenda still undecided.

What is left is for the parties to, first, make clear the means by which each of the parties will commit to an agreement internally. “Now people fear it will get worse.”, In Nimruz, a relatively quiet province that borders both Iran and Pakistan, Gul Ahmad Noorzad, a legislator, said local security forces had been weakened by high-level corruption while soldiers are “being martyred every day. The government has not restored security at all.”. The intra-Afghan negotiations that began on Saturday represent a watershed moment in the war: the first direct, official talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government. Split government would present a potential Biden administration with some hard choices about the scope of its own authority. By: In the past week alone, Afghan security officials said Saturday, the Taliban staged 356 attacks, two suicide bombings and 52 mine explosions across the country, killing 51 civilians and wounding 157. The Taliban need to spell out their ideas about the role of Islam in society and governance. The Taliban would likewise use their own institutions to ratify it. Establishing an “Islamic system,” of governance is now the thrust of the Taliban’s demands as it negotiates with Afghan officials and representatives of the political opposition. The report’s publication comes as scattered calls to boycott the ongoing peace talks have been raised following back-to-back attacks on education centers in Kabul claimed by the ISIS group, but which some government officials insist were carried out by the Taliban. A reduction in violence—like that seen after the U.S.-Taliban framework deal in February—is probably necessary. After four decades of conflict, the warring Afghan parties are set to discuss an end to the war to achieve stability, peace, and unity. The Taliban also seem to have reached a conclusion internally that their 1990s model of government is not tenable today. A new dispensation in Afghanistan will need the support of conservative elements of Afghan society if we want the long war in the country to finally be over. If and when the talks turn to substantive matters, a ceasefire will be on the agenda.

For decades they have held society together, raised a new generation of Afghans, and have fought for—in high offices and in the streets—a peaceful future for every Afghan. Jason Criss Howk; Andrew Hyde; Annie Pforzheimer.

Would they accept a coalition government?



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